Tonye Cole looks up to the
heavens in mock prayer. “We can’t go back,” he says. “I can’t think of anyone
who would say ‘we prefer it the way it was.’ We’ve come too far forward.”
Cole, a Nigerian businessman
who has run Sahara Group, an energy and power group since 1996, is heavily
invested in his home country. Over the last few years, his company has pumped
millions into building power stations and transmission infrastructure, taking
advantage of a rare period of economic liberalisation.
The dismantling of the
power monopolies is one of the few unsullied triumphs of Goodluck Jonathan’s
government, snapping decades of underinvestment and raising hopes among the
public and business community that the acute electricity shortages that
undermine growth in Africa’s biggest economy.
The fact that even that
reform is being questioned shows how dimly Nigeria’s star has waned in recent
months, as political turmoil, security failures and short-sighted economic
planning weigh on domestic and international confidence.
Nigeria’s Independent
National Electoral Commission announced that the elections – previously
scheduled for February 14 – would be held back by six weeks, ostensibly to
allow voters to register in the states currently gripped by a Boko Haram
insurgency that has lasted six years and killed tens of thousands.
Boko Haram — which is
trying to establish an independent state, run on its own interpretation of
Shariah law, in the north of Nigeria — had threatened to disrupt the elections,
and has shown no compunction over attacking civilian targets.
The Nigerian army had
precious few successes in the field against the insurgents until recently, when
a multinational force from Chad and Cameroon – alongside, reportedly, a few
South African mercenaries – entered the fray. Before that,, who have routinely
overrun major towns and, at times, captured materiel from government forces.
Analysts are sceptical that the insurgency will be any more under control by
the end of March.
“It is obvious that the
fight against Boko Haram is not going to happen cleanly in six weeks,” says
Sebastien Spio-Garbrah, chief frontier markets analyst at risk consultancy
Damina Advisors.
Supporters of President
Goodluck Jonathan’s opponent, Muhammadu Buhari, have cried foul, claiming that
the delay is a ploy to give the incumbent more time to skew the voting in his
favour.
The race was always likely
to be close, and Jonathan’s People’s Democratic Party, which has won every
election since Nigeria’s return to civilian rule in 1999, had seemed to be
losing ground to Buhari. High profile concerns about security and corruption,
in particular, have undermined the PDP’s credibility.
Insiders fear that the
military — which retains a significant role in public life in Nigeria — is in
part behind the delay, and that its leaders have thrown their lot behind
Jonathan in order to protect their financial interests.
Buhari, himself a former
general, has promised a forensic audit of the Nigerian military’s expenditures,
should he become president.
Nigeria’s constitution
dictates that presidential candidates must win a majority of the popular vote
and 25 percent of the vote in two-thirds of the states — an attempt to ensure
that the victor must have a national mandate in a country which has
longstanding religious and cultural divides. With the insurgency still raging,
the election is unlikely to end with a landslide, and a close result is likely
to lead to disputes.
“The problem is that I
can’t see it producing a result that everyone agrees with,” Spio-Garbrah says.
“The postponement, while there were good reasons for it, it has poisoned the well. Even if Jonathan were to win, he would have a tainted mandate, because there would be a sense that he delayed the election to gain more advantage.”
“The postponement, while there were good reasons for it, it has poisoned the well. Even if Jonathan were to win, he would have a tainted mandate, because there would be a sense that he delayed the election to gain more advantage.”
Control Risks, a political
consultancy, warned earlier in March that regardless of the result, political
violence is likely.
The political crisis comes
against a nightmarish economic backdrop for Nigeria. With upwards of 70% of the
country’s government revenues derived from the oil and gas business, public
sector spending will have to be cut dramatically following the global slump in
prices.
In March, the government
shifted the benchmark price oil in its budget down to $53 per barrel, down from
$65. Capital expenditure will need to be cut, as will subsidies on fuel.
The currency, the naira,
has been battered as a result. The Central Bank of Nigeria runs a dirty float,
using oil funds to maintain a target rate of between N160-176 to the dollar.
Trying to keep that peg in place has cost the country dearly. On just one day
in February — Friday 13 — the CBN sold more than $400m to support the currency.
Ultimately that has failed, with the naira stabilising at close to N200 to the
dollar. On the black market, that is often higher, at around N214 to the
dollar.
This has caused huge
problems for companies who have borrowed in dollars but earn their revenues in
naira.
Speaking privately, a
number of senior Nigerian bankers and businesspeople say they are hoping for
the best — but preparing for disaster. In the oil sector, executives say they
have gone into survival mode, and several previous darlings of international
investors have come close to the wall.
The government has had to
slash billions in capital expenditure to try to plug the hole in its budget —
meaning that there have been precious few pre-election giveaways, but equally
slowing efforts to diversify and rebalance the economy by building
infrastructure and encouraging import substitution.
With a new government
taking up a weak or disputed mandate, an economy in need of reform, a moribund
oil sector and stress in the banking sector, it is hard to find many positives
in Nigeria’s immediate economic future. Cole, however, thinks the surprises
will be to the upside.
“The international
community, from an economic perspective, often reads Nigeria wrong,” he says.
“The bottom line is that people have always underestimated the Nigerian economy
and they have always underestimated the Nigerian people.
“When you ask Nigerian
businesses, people who are invested in Nigeria today, who are going through an
economic blip during this political transition, most of them are certain that
they will overcome whatever is going on. It’s a readjustment of reality. Life
continues.”
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